Why don't "anti-communist youth" gather under the white bone group.

Why don't "anti-communist youth" gather under the white bone group.

It is said that when the conservative group's rally in front of the official residence in Yoon Suk Yeol began, white hats began to appear in earnest at the protest held near Hannam Elementary School. As many found a seller, it was a safety helmet under the 6,000 won brand 'Seda' sold on Coupang. They designated the white safety helmet as a symbol of the group and announced the foundation of the Baekgoldan. Later, through some kind of consultation within, the company changed its name to the 'anti-communist youth group' and supplemented the announcement that it would use the 'baekgoldan' as a subordinate unit of the anti-communist youth group. It is presumed that there was a conflict within the anti-communist youth group of Health University over the strange way of reorganizing the detailed organization inside the organization itself.

It is a guess why the name "Baekgoldan" was chosen. In fact, Kim Jeong-hyun, the representative of the anti-communist youth group, may have wanted to plant his own branding called "Baek" in the group because it has been a "Baxus Policy Research Institute" for a long time, and in the process, "Baekuijong", "Baekgoldan", and "Baekmathan Prince" were in the head. I assume that "Baekgoldan" would have been most appropriate to show his branding and represent a strong image of a group at the same time. When asked by reporters after a press conference at the National Assembly Communication Hall whether he did not know that Baekgoldan was a symbol of democratic oppression, Kim Jeong-hyun, the representative of the Baekgoldan, refuted that there were such disadvantages but advantages. It was a simple and ignorant sophistry that it would be nice if the scary Baekgoldan was on our team. In addition, his remarks do not appear to have been written by him or himself at a press conference at the National Assembly. It seems that he read the contents of the People's Power or former lawmaker Kim Min. It seems that he tried to establish legitimacy by borrowing the voices of young people. The Baekgoldan used politicians, and the politicians used them.

Former lawmaker Kim Min triumphantly held a press conference to introduce the white bone team, but the backlash from within was considerable. I don't think the bizarre statement that former lawmaker Kim Min will "withdraw" the already-done press conference was made conscious of criticism from the opposition party and ordinary citizens. How can he say that because he was afraid of the opposition from the Democratic Party or the general public? Rather, it seems that he did not know that "patriotic conservative youth" would oppose it so much.  

Personally, this point where "patriotic conservative youth" refuse to establish Baekgoldan is the most interesting. To summarize their position, it is summarized as "What are you doing?" or "Don't make a private organization." When young people protest, the elderly also protest. At this point, Lee Joon-seok's theory of Lee Dae-nam (if you persuade a man in his 20s, the elderly naturally follows you) seems to work. When the men of Lee Dae-seok stood up with them, the elderly refused to do so. And the Baekho's YouTube channel was in a frenzy. I wonder if they will be able to work in the future.

I thought about where the failure of the Baekgol-dan would have come from for a day, and as a result, it seems that Kim Min-jeon and Kim Jung-hyun did not have in mind the symbolic boundaries that make up the community in the process of establishing the Baekgol-dan. Sociologist Michelle Lamont emphasized that 'community' has a different symbolic attribute from 'gathering (group). A community is a group of people who have beliefs that are superior to those of other groups. They are not people who have homogeneous demographic attributes. Just because a man in his 20s is not Lee Dae-nam who protects Yoon Suk Yeol, and those 'Lee Dae-nam' means a community of people who have rational, non-violent, and constructive beliefs than the left. Therefore, in order to be called a real 'conservative youth' within them, they must prove that they are not just those who support Yoon Suk Yeol in 2030, but that they are implementing it with a better belief than the other side. What is that belief? I think the belief of 'youth patriotism', which is driven mainly by the online community, is a decentralized, atomized, leaderless organization that is summarized as "non-organization (prohibition of bullying), "voluntary (prohibition of instigation)," and "clown (prohibition of seriousness)."

The grammar of the online community generation, which comes down from DC Inside, first focuses on the prohibition of socializing in the gallery. They call the social life of offline "insiders" social life socializing and sometimes call it "X wood quality" in the sense of loathing about socializing. Their first principle, which comes out to the square, is that socializing should not exist, just like the online world. In other words, one of the people gathered at the rally feels that knowing more or less of someone else, and the formation of such an atmosphere, "promoting friendship." Those who are accustomed to anonymous communities think that equality will be maintained only in situations where there is no socializing.
Second, they view the left as an 'instigator' and prohibit any agitation. Unlike those who were instigated and came out to the assembly, they believe that conservative patriotic young people are 'voluntary' citizens. In such a situation, the formation of a conservative youth group is perceived as harming their spontaneity, and furthermore, promoting agitation.
Third, they identify long writings and writings with strict spelling with the smell of kkondae and warn them not to suck seriously. In the extension, the term clown is an image of a new leader for them. Clowns work hard to destroy themselves and others at the same time. They show their weaknesses and feel human emotions from clowns because they reveal other people's weaknesses. Many cyberrekar (slandering others) channels watched by "patriotic conservative youth" follow the same grammar. Conservative YouTubers, including the New Men's Solidarity, always emphasize that they are clowns. Clowns are optimized in decentralized and fragmented conservative youth-centered communities because they are not trying to be leaders who promote or instigate socializing, but are the ones who show the audience and then make them disperse without a trace. Furthermore, clowns mock others, but they do not try to be "serious and quick politicians who make hierarchical ladders." For them, criticism of others is not a long-term process of acquiring political resources, but a temporary process to receive views and likes